Apuntamente sacado de los libros dela Madre de Agreda=

Maria santisima bajo adornada y pre-parada para Dios, que la dio todolo que quiso, y quiso darla todo lo q̊ pudo y pudo darla todo lo que no era ser Dios Par 1ᵃ Capᵒ 17. fol. 83.=¹¹ Section 251, María de Jesús de Ágreda's Mística Ciudad de Dios (1670, repr. Barcelona: Librería Religiosa, 1860; p. 104).

el ablar sin medida y peso es cuchillo de dos filos, que iere al q̊. abla, y Juntamente al qᵒ oie, y entrambos impiden la Charidad o la destruien con todas las demas Virtudes Par.ᵉ 1 Capᵒ 24 fol. 125=²² Section 385, María de Jesús de Ágreda's Mística Ciudad de Dios (p. 174).

la prudencia que sirue para el gouierno de sus propias acciones a cada vno se llama monarchica, la que enseña el go bierno de muchos se llama Poliarchica y esta se gobierna en 4 especies segun las diferencias de Gobernar diuersas partes

de multitud la 1ᵃ. se llama Prudencia regnatiba qᵒ enseña a gobernar Reinos la 2ᵃ Politica q̊ enseña a Gobernar ciudades o Republicas, la 3ᵃ economica que enseña a Gobernar familias y casas particulares, La 4ᵃ Militar que enseña a Gobernar exercitos libro 1 Capᵒ. 9. fol. 172.=³³ This commonplace, continued from the previous folio, appears to be a paraphrasing of Section 543 of María de Jesús de Ágreda's Mística Ciudad de Dios (p. 251).

Bonitas est in centro pulcritudo vero in circulo Dice celio que por el centro se entiende Dios y por la Hermosura de la naturaleza de Todolo criado la cir cumferencia=⁴⁴ The direct source is uncertain, but 'Dice celio' refers to the fact that this idea comes from Celio Secondo Curione, a Humanist theologian.

Refiere vn Autor vn milagro de san Bicente ferrer. vn milagro entre los muchos, q̊ hizo digno de Tenerle en la memoria el qual es: que llego vna muger Muda ciega y necesitada a pedirle socorro en estos Tres trauajos y siendo muda permitio el santo que ablase y Luego la dixo hija mucho pides? contentate con que desde oy Dios te socorrera Todas Tus necesidades, y te Restituie la vista, pues ya ves; pero eso de el ablar no te combiene, y se quedo muda como se estaba=⁵⁵ The source – 'vn Autor' – would appear to be Pedro de Ribadeneira, who wrote the Flos sanctorum o Libro de las vidas de los santos (1601, repr. Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1616), featuring 'La Vida de ſan Vicente Ferrer, Confeſſor, de la Orden de ſanto Domingo' in Volume II (pp. 190–204). Herein, San Vicente's altercation with a woman 'ciega […] cõ su paſsion' is described when she attempts to seduce him (p. 193), and Ribadeneira states that San Vicente 'a muchos mudos [restituyó] el hablar' (p. 196); the miracle quoted here, however, does not feature. For this reason, 'vn Autor' may be a different source (perhaps Fray Luis de Granada, who is quoted on the next folio).

en vna carta que escriue fr[ay] Luis de Granada al Pe[dro] Riuadeneira al principio desus obras refiere vn milagro de san Malaquias. que resucito vn muerto. y otro que a vna muger de mala condicion la boluio de buen natural

tiene por maior milagro [...] el 2ᵒ que el 1ᵒ=⁶⁶ This commonplace is continued from the previous folio. The author's source of Fray Luis de Granada's letters to Pedro de Ribadeneira is uncertain. It could be one of the following: '[t]he Spanish Dominican, Luis of Granada (1504–1588), compiled a Collectanea moralis philosophiae, consisting of extracts from Seneca and Plutarch arranged under commonplace-heads, in 1571, and followed that in 1576 with a frequently reprinted Rhetorica ecclesiastica sive de ratione concionandi in six books, to be used in conjunction with his even more widely disseminated Sylva locorum communium omnibus divini verbi concionatoribus, variarumque lectionum studiosis… utilis (papal letter dated 1582)' (Ann Moss, Printed Common-Place Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996; p. 203). It is possible that the author is not referring to a specific edition on his desk or reading wheel, since he does not give a customary folio or chapter reference; he may therefore be citing this commonplace from hearsay or from a different book that refers to it.

Veneraron mucho los Judios despues de la destruicion de Jerusalen a un famoso Judio llamado Mais el qual fingio que Moisen le auia dado de Palabra la 2ᵃ Lei, llamada Misnam, y compusieron de ella vn libro in-titulado Thalmud, en el qual fingen q̊ Dios en 3 horas de el Dia lloraba 3 lagrimas, y estas las echaba en el occeano, como do-liendose de las miserias de los Judios, y en el libro intitulado [Havodazara] que es vno de los de el Thalmud a los Cap.ˢ 1ᵒ y 2ᵒ. Preguntando en qᵒ se ocupaba Dios en el discurso de el dia? dice qᵒ en 3 horas enseñaba, e[n] 3. Juzgaba, y en 3. lloraba. Torrejon[cillo] in Centin[ela] contra Jud[ío]s = fr[ay] Luis de Gran[ada] in sym[bolum] fid[ei] P. 4. num 22=⁷⁷ Fray Luis de Granada is cited again here, with 'sim. fid.' apparently referring to his Introducción del símbolo de la fe (1583). This citation is taken from the principal source of this commonplace, which is Francisco de Torrejoncillo's Centinela contra judíos (1674). The author appears to have misspelled 'Havodazara', the Hebrew word for idolatry. I have been unable to access early editions of Torrejoncillo's work, for which reason it is uncertain whether the manuscript author's spelling mistake is his own, or copied from his source. Folios 95–6 of the 1720 edition of the Centinela are more detailed than this commonplace; it would be interesting to see how the manuscript's author paraphrased or even changed aspects of his edition of the Centinela in this commonplace. Furthermore, the 1720 edition only cites Fray Luis thus: 'aſsi lo refiere Fray Ludo in Simb. Fidei' (fol. 95). Therefore, either earlier editions provided the reference 'P. 4. num 22', or the manuscript author sought out this section of Fray Luis's Introducción himself.

Anno Christi de 564. Murio en francia San Gildardo obispo de Roan Hermano de San Medardo q̊ ambos nacieron en vn mismo dia, se bapticaron en vn mismo dia, y en vn mismo dia se consagra- ron de obispos, y en vn mismo dia murieron, de los quales en su sepoltura Hizo este epitaphio Venancio fortunato =

Hi sunt Gildardus fratres Geminia, atq[ue] Meda^rdus Vna dies natos vtero viditq[ue] sacratos albis indutos, etabista carne solutos⁸⁸ The story of these saints can be found in Volume II of Pedro de Ribadeneira's La leyenda de oro para cada día del año: vidas de todos los santos que venera la iglesia (pp. 187–8). Its fourth edition (from which the page reference is taken) was printed by the Sociedad Editorial la Maravilla in Barcelona in 1865, having been revised by the Padres de la Compañía de Jesús, but since it was written by Ribadeneira, the original editions must have preceded the writing of this commonplacing. Ribadeneira cites various sources for the story of these saints, including Bede, Usuard, and Venantius Fortunatus (p. 188). It is possible that Fray Luis de Granada researched these sources, and it is highly likely that the content of this folio is paraphrased from a work by Fray Luis that draws on Ribadeneira's text, whence the quoted epitaph by 'Venancio fortunato'.

Ad Poetas.

Cùm generosa bibit mera, tunc generosa Poeta Metra dat: effectum dat bona causa bonum.⁹⁹ The source of this commonplace is uncertain.

In chymios.

Quid chymici faciunt? lapidem dum quaerere tentant, Propria saepe solent dilapidare bona.¹⁰¹⁰ The original source of this commonplace is uncertain, but it features in Andreas Sutor's Latinum Chaos (Augsburg: Joseph Gruber, 1716; p. 457), wherein he translates Latin material into German. This suggests that it is from a classical source that was often quoted in the early modern period.

III

Passionem, et Mortem saluatoris. Dum christus (Moritur) ⟨moritur⟩, Moritur Mors Morte, nihil q.ᵒ in nos vltèrius Mors habet imperij. Mors ipsa interiit, remanent mera nomina Mortis: [...] nomina quis metuat, res vbi strata iacet? Ipse sua Christus te Morte ex Morte redimit, et Morte illius Mors superata tua est. ergo quid exhorres deuicta nomina Mortis: non Mors, in christo si Moriaris, erit In [resurrectionem].

Protulit vt iussu diuino animalia tellus: mortua sic (credet) ⟨reddet⟩ membra suprema Dies.¹¹¹¹ The source of this commonplace and the one preceding it cannot be established. Since the quotations are in Latin, however, and since the author corrected 'credet' to the similar-looking 'reddet', it appears that they were indeed copied from a source (and, in the case of 'reddet', initially misread and miscopied). The Latin word 'resurrectionem' has also been misspelled.

Al q̊. juzgas por bien auenturado, Dice Seneca, lo veras con grande acompañamiento, que va tras el. Las Moscas siguen a la miel, los Lobos la carne muerta al Trigo Las Hormigas, La presa sigue esta mul- titud, no al hombre=¹²¹² Seneca is quoted or paraphrased here ('Dice Seneca…'), but it is uncertain which of his works is being quoted. This section appears – from its meaning and its appearance in the manuscript – to constitute a single section, drawn or paraphrased in its entirety from Seneca. Though the second sentence is reminiscent of a proverb, it does not appear in Correas or Valdés, and while Covarrubias's Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid: Melchor Sanchez, 1674) cites something similar ('Proverbio: Hazzeos [= Haceos] miel, comeros han moſcas', fol. 116r.), the meaning is significantly different.

Hidrophobia Mal de Rabia Solere nodosam nescit medicina Podr (a) ^ag^ram nec formidatis ansiliatur aquis=¹³¹³ The source of this commonplace is uncertain.

Sensualidad

En Los hombres se presume, en los perros se ve, y en los Gatos se oie

adagiobulgar

La leche y el Vino hazen al Viejo niño¹⁴¹⁴ The 'adagio bulgar' is recorded in Correas's Vocabulario de refranes y frases proverbiales (1627, repr. Madrid: Rev. de archivos, bibliotecas, y museos, 1924) as 'Come leche y bebe vino, harte has de viejo niño' (p. 116) and as 'Leche (La) y el vino hacen al viejo niño' (p. 265). The other adage or riddle (entitled 'Sensualidad', which may be the answer to the riddle) is not to be found in Correas, Covarrubias, or Valdés.

Si Pater est Adan [cunctis], Mater [est] Eua cur ne (⟨omnes⟩) ^omnes sumus Nobilitate pares. Degenerant homines Vitijs, fiuntq[ue] minores exaltat virtus, [nobilitas que] genus¹⁵¹⁵ The first two lines of this four-line segment are quoted in many early modern texts. All four lines are attributed to Matteo D'Afflitto in the text that this manuscript's author presumably had on his reading wheel or desk: Lope Martínez de Isasti’s Compendio histórico de la Muy Noble y Muy Leal Provincia de Guipúzcoa (1625, repr. San Sebastian: Ignacio Ramon Baroja, 1850; p. 33). The author of this manuscript apparently miscopies 'animum' as 'homines', perhaps becoming confused after having tried to add in 'omnes' twice; and he writes 'nobilitatque' instead of 'nobilitas que', perhaps through mistaken analogy with the Latin 'atque'.

Distincion 4o. La primera parte de el Decreto fol 194. Capᵒ 3.

A Vn Retor de la Compañia Llamado Tero

cum potuit ^noluit, cum vult non potest vnde per malum velle perdidit bonum posse. S[a]n Agustin in ma- teria de ausilius.¹⁹¹⁹ The following quotation is attributed to St Augustine in Volume XVII of the Sancti Aurelii Augustini Opera (Paris: Parent-Desbarres, 1838, ed. D. A. B. Caillau; p. 418): 'Non agit quod vult: cum vult non potest, quia quando poterat noluit. Per malum velle, perdidit bonum posse'. This was copied down slightly differently by such early modern writers as Richard Hooker, Giordano Vitelleschi, and Charles-Joseph Tricassin. Therefore, the author of this manuscript has either copied from a deviant source (which is highly possible with material as oft-digested and quoted as that of St Augustine), copied hurriedly, or copied with little understanding of the Latin. The latter is the least likely, owing to the frequent (and generally correct) instances of Latin in this manuscript.

Quando da el Pontifice el Virrete a los cardenales dice: Accipe Virretum intintum sanguine Christi y los iguala a los Reies.²⁰²⁰ The source of this commonplace is uncertain.

Por vna Bulla de Pio V. esta Proibido, pena de excomunion, q̊ en niⁿguna yglesia ni parte sagrada se canten cantares profanos y q̊ ne toquen los instrumentos. [...]onos tambien profanos.=²¹²¹ This section appears to have been copied from a constitución sinodal. Jaime Moll (in 'Música y representaciones en las constituciones sinodales de los Reinos de Castilla del siglo XVI', Anuario Musical, 30 (1975), 209–43) cites twenty examples of these from 1501 to 1606, all of which are worded similarly to this excerpt. A typical example is the following excerpt from the Seville synodic constitution of 1586, which orders that clerics 'no baylen, ni dancen, ni canten cantares deshonestos ni prophanos […], ni […] tañan vihuela ni otros instrumentos para que otros canten, baylen ni dancen'.

Virgilio

Alter eiusdem.

Siendo el Mundo redondo, y n[uest]ro corazon pira- midal; es imposible que el mundo le quadre, n[uest]ra alma tiene Tres potencias, a Manera de Triangulo, y no se puede satisfacer en la sphera mundana; solo se satisface en el triangulo de la Trinidad diuina. [H]ector Pinto verdadera Phil[osofía] cap. 7 fol. 20=²⁴²⁴ This commonplace is from Imagem da Vida Cristã (1572) by Frei Heitor Pinto ('ector Pinto'), translated anonymously into Castilian as Imagen de la vida christiana (Medina del Campo, 1579: Francisco del Canto). This text consists of Dialogues, the first being entitled 'Dialogo de la verdadera Philoſophia' in the Castilian version ('verdadera Phil.' in this manuscript). Folio 46r. of the published translation reads thus: 'Y como el mundo ſea redondo, y nueſtro coraçon Pyramidal, es impoſſible que el mundo le quadre, y lo hincha y ſatisfaga. Vn triangulo hinche otro triangulo, nueſtra alma ſiendo vna tiene tres potencias, entendimiento, memoria, y voluntad, a manera de triãgulo por esso no ſe puede quietar y ſatisfazer en la circunferẽcia de la eſphera mundana: mas en el triangulo dela trinidad diuina'. From the differences between this quotation and the quotation in this manuscript, it may be inferred that the author of this manuscript is paraphrasing this published translation, copying from an unpublished translation, or translating directly from the Portuguese.

Remondus Jesuita L1 ep[ístol]a 58 hizo este, ep[ístola] en alabanza de la ––– Castidad –––

In Mulieres=Petronio.

Plauto.

vide fol. 66.²⁷²⁷ This is a paraphrase (or a miscopying) of Plautus’s play Casina (LCL 61, ed. and trans. Wolfgang de Melo; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011; pp. 32–3). The author's including 'vide' rather than simply citing 'fol. 66' suggests that he knowingly paraphrased his source, and would need to look back at it if he wanted to see the full quotation. In the play, Lysidamus says, 'blande haec mi mala res appellanda est. uxor mea meaque amoenitas, quid tu agis?' ('I must address this bad bit of stuff coaxingly. My wife and my pleasure, how are you?'), to which Cleostrata replies, 'abi atque apstine manum' ('Go away and keep your hand[s] off me'). Lysidamus's denigration of Cleostrata as a 'bad bit of stuff' reveals itself to be all too true when Cleostrata physically abuses him later in the play.

Queuedo.

la muger es compañia forzosa, se a de guardar con recato, se ha de gozar, con amor, y se a de comunicar con sospecha, si las tratan bien, algunas son malas, si mal, muchas son peores; el q̊ vsa de sus caricias, y no se fia de ellas es auisado=²⁸²⁸ These lines are taken from Quevedo's Vida de Marco Bruto (1644, repr. Buenos Aires: Espasa Calpe, 1950; pp. 21–2). The last clause has been slightly reordered: the author changes '[a]quél es avisado, que […] no se fía dellas' to 'el q̊ […] no se fia de ellas es auisado'. The author has written the last line up the side of the page, for reasons of space.

Antiguamente los españoles defendian losespañoles a su Madre la patria y ella co mo ahijos los Vestia con las mercadurias y frutos de su Pais si necesitar de otrosCortes in consta[ns] fidei L. 1ᵒ.²⁹²⁹ This commonplace is paraphrased from Juan Cortés Ossorio's Constancia de la fee, y aliento de la nobleza española (Madrid: Antonio Roman, 1684). Cortés is identified on the frontispiece of this work as 'de la Compañía de Ieſus'; he was therefore a Jesuit, like Franciscus Remondus in note 25 and Martin Del Rio in note 35. "In constans fidei" appears to be a Latinized title of Cortés's work. The paraphrase does indeed come from Book I as the author indicates, specifically from Section 186 (pp. 112–3). Cortés writes that '[l]os antiguos Heroes de Eſpaña […] defendian à la Patria como à madre, [y] la Patria los veſtia, y alhajava como à hijos' (p. 113). Cortés's work frequently alludes to Spain's goods and resources, and the comment about 'mercadurias y frutos' accordingly appears to be more generally paraphrased from the work as a whole. The fact that the author is paraphrasing the work may explain the apparently erroneous use of 'si' here, where the author may have intended to write "sin".

La Aurora Al nacer entre tanta felicidad nunca le faltan lagrimas. Ouid[io] L. 13 Metam[orfosis] fabula 3. Luctibus est Aurora suis intenta, piasque nunc quoque dat lachrimas, et toto rorat in orbe.³⁰³⁰ The sentence in Spanish appears to be a vernacular summary or paraphrase of the Latin quotation that follows it, which is indeed from Ovid's Metamorphoses, Book XIII. The Latin quotation means 'Aurora was all absorbed in her own grief; and even to this day she weeps pious tears and bedews the whole world with them' (LCL 43, trans. Frank Justus Miller, rev. G. P. Goold; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1916; pp. 272–3).

A todas las cosas q̊ crio Dios las diuiden los Philosofos antiguos en tres clases, qᵒ llaman Mundos, alos quales siguen los Theologos, Al primero llamaron, vltramundano, Angelico, y intelectual; Al 2ᵒ. celeste, y Al 3ᵒ sublunar Sacro Bosco. Capᵒ 3. fol. 23=³¹³¹ This reference apparently directs the reader to Johannes de Sacrobosco’s De sphaera mundi (1472), which was much reprinted across Europe (Tayra M. C. Lanuza Navarro, 'Pedro Sánchez Ciruelo. A Commentary on Sacrobosco's Tractatus de sphaera with a Defense of Astrology' in De sphaera of Johannes de Sacrobosco in the Early Modern Period: The Authors of the Commentaries, ed. Matteo Valleriani; Cham: Springer, 2020; p. 59 and p. 77). The mathematician, theologian and astrologer Pedro Sánchez Ciruelo published a commentary on Sacrobosco's work in 1498, entitled Uberrimum Sphere mundi commentum (Lanuza Navarro, p. 53). This was reprinted in Alcalá de Henares in 1526, by Miguel de Eguía (Lanuza Navarro, p. 63); it may be surmised that this was the edition that the manuscript’s author was using, as it is possible that he was quoting Sanchez Ciruelo rather than Sacrobosco himself, and copied the Sacrobosco citation from Sanchez's work. It is also more likely that he was working off a recent edition printed in Spain, rather than one of the earlier editions, which were printed in Paris (Lanuza Navarro, p. 63).

Los curiosos an experimentado que el grano de Polbora encendido se dilata a 125 espacios yguales al q̊ ocupaba antes de estar encendido. Cort[és] in const[ans] fid[ei]³²³² Cortés Ossorio's work, described in note 29, is paraphrased again here. This time, the author paraphrases Section 130 of Book III (on the second p. 366 of three, apparently due to a misprint). The last sentence of this section reads: 'Llega à tanto eſte poder, que los curioſos, que han experimentado lo que el grano de polvora encendido da de ſi, vſando de varios inſtrumentos, que con ingenioſo estudio ſe preparan para esta demoſtracion, afirman, que ſe dilata à ciento y veinte y cinco eſpacios iguales al que ocupa antes de estàr encendido'. This is invoked by an evangelical minister to convince a pagan philosopher that even when Christ is in human form, he can nevertheless be omnipotent. The manuscript's author, however, appears to be recording scientific commonplaces (in conjunction with the notes from Sacrobosco above), and omits to note down the religious background to this scientific assertion.

omne animal post coitu contristatur. Aris[totelis] Preter Galum, et [...] senex Pritacus neoligit ferulam.³³³³ This appears to be a humorous reworking of the Latin phrase "triste est omne animal post coitum, præter mulierem gallumque", and potentially a slanderous one against an old man designated here as 'Pritacus'. This draws on a lasting topos of classical and medieval roots, since old men were considered particularly lascivious at the time. The topos may be observed in various medieval and early modern works, such as Rodrigo de Cota's Diálogo entre el amor y un viejo (1511).

Deuemos escusar la leccion de los libros de poco fruto que nos consumen lo mejor de la vida Senec[a] epíst[ola] 50. ad Lucilio su amigo. De velocitate temporis; non in questionibus puerilibus expendenda, sed exortacione virtutum Redimenda. Comprueba mejor esta doctrina moral S[an] Agustin in speculo pe catoris Capᵒ 6. Diciendo: erubescat superbus, et infelix peccator scientia inflatus, cui plus placet ars Aristotelis, quam scientia de Apostolis, plus codex Platonis, quam liber diuinus, quem nulla scientia ædi ficat, nullus sermo sapit, nisi fuerit grama tice conceptus, et dialecticè imaginatus, rethoricè purpuratus; stultus es, qui haec ignoras, et erras, quoniam qui talia agunt, et in talibus dies suos consumunt, peccatum, sibi generant, et mortem parant; quia ex simili studio, similem concipiunt scientiam, hoc est [folia colligunt], et non fructus, scilicet verba, et non virtutes: verba enim in ventum proferunt, et aerem verbis verberant: verbositatem sonant, iactantiam ostentant de quibus per psalmistam dicitur: turbati sunt, et moti sunt, sicut ebrius, et omnis sapientia eorum deuorata est. [...]= ³⁴³⁴ According to printed sources quoting Augustine, 'follia coligunt' should read 'folia colligunt'. This quotation can be partly matched up with the 1837 edition of St Augustine's Opera Omnia (Paris: Gaume Frères), Volume VI (col. 1438), though this source has 'id est' where the manuscript's author has written 'scilicet'. The author either made errors of copying through misreading (suggested by the fact that mid-sentence segments that are present in the 1837 edition are absent from this folio), which could be corroborated by his spelling error, or he was copying from a variant version of the text, especially since he must have used an eighteenth-century (or earlier) edition of Augustine's work. The author appears to have begun quoting Seneca (the exact source cannot be established), again providing a Latin quotation and a vernacular explanation, before reminding himself that St Augustine in fact offers a better explanation than Seneca.

errar, es cosa humana

Nemo sine crimine viuit.³⁵³⁵ Joseph T. Snow ('«Sobre cada fabla se entiende otra cosa sin lo que se alega en la razón fermosa» (1631cd): Más sobre la problemática comunicación entre emisor y receptor(es) en el Libro de buen amor', Michigan State University. Accessed via the Centro Virtual Cervantes © Instituto Cervantes, 1997–2022) notes that 'Juan Ruiz [escribe que] «es umanal cosa el pecar» […] y, citando Catón, nos recuerda que «Nemo sine crimine vivit»'. It initially appears that the author might have been prompted to note the meditations on this folio by reading the Libro de Buen Amor. Alternatively, he may have chosen to translate the Latin proverb "errare humanum est" as a heading for this section of commonplacing, and then cited the Distichs of Cato (the original source of "nemo sine crimine vivit") directly (Dicta Catonis, trans. J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff, LCL 434; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1934; pp. 598–9). It seems that he did indeed choose and translate the title independently; however, 'Nemo sine crimine viuit' and the rest of the commonplaces on this folio all appear to have been copied from a single page of the Adagialia Sacra of Martin Del Rio (Lyon: Horatius Cardon, 1612; p. 252). Del Rio was a priest of the Societatis Jesu, as indicated on the frontispiece of his Adagialia ('Societatis Iesv Sacerdote') and by the reference to 'Del rio como christiano' at the bottom of this folio. The commonplaces on this folio appear in the same order as those in the Adagialia, except that 'Nemo sine crimine viuit' has been moved to the top of the folio. Perhaps the author did this in order to reflect the content of the Libro de Buen Amor, or because he thought this quotation was particularly important, or particularly pertinent to this folio's theme.sophocles in Antigona: omnibus [commune] est delinquere.³⁶³⁶ This is from Sophocles's Antigone. It initially seems that the translation from Ancient Greek into Latin might have been taken from Innocent Gentillet's Commentariorum de regno aut quovis principatu rectè et tranquillè administrando (1577, repr. 1578 – publication details uncertain; p. 157), because Gentillet writes 'cõmune' (where "õ" indicates "om"), which might have provoked the author's spelling error of 'comune'. A later source also quotes these lines (Tobias Pfanner's Systema Theologiæ Gentilis Purioris; Basel: Johann Hermann Wiederhold, 1679; p. 259), but here, 'commune' appears with two "m"s, and Pfanner writes 'errare' in place of 'delinquere'. It would therefore be more likely that the author of the manuscript copied from Gentillet. It does, however, appear that the manuscript's author ultimately copied this quotation from Del Rio's work: though Del Rio spells 'commune' with two "m"s, he introduces this quotation with the reference 'Sophocles in Antigonâ:', which is copied almost exactly by the manuscript's author. Theognis: nemo mortalium omnibus horis sapit.³⁷³⁷ This commonplace appears to be from Theognis's Fragment XLI, according to The Works of Hesiod, Callimachus, and Theognis (trans. Reverend J. Banks; London: Bohn, 1856; p. 455). It means that no one can be wise at all times. It appears, along with its Ancient Greek iteration, in Del Rio's Adagialia.Horat[ius]–––Vitijs nemo sine nascitur; optimus ille estqui minimis Vrgetur.–––³⁸³⁸ This commonplace is from Horace's Satires I.III (LCL 194, trans. H. Rushton Fairclough; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1926; pp. 38–9). It is translated as 'no living wight is without faults: the best is he who is burdened with the least'. Del Rio copied this material exactly, and neatly omitted the 'nam' ('for…') that originally preceded '[v]itijs', which made the original quotation an explanation of, or evidence for, what came before. The manuscript's author, in turn, has copied Del Rio precisely. Furthermore, Del Rio cited the names of Horace, Cicero, and Pliny in Latin, so the manuscript author's abbreviations on this page have been expanded accordingly.

(⟨cuiusuiˢ⟩) Cicer[o] ep[ístola] 22 libro 8. Cuius vis hominis est errare=.³⁹³⁹ This is from Cicero's Philippic XII, line 8: '[c]uiusvis hominis est errare', or '[a]nyone can make a mistake' (LCL 507, ed. and trans. D. R. Shackleton Bailey, rev. John T. Ramsey and Gesine Manuwald; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010; pp. 190–1). This commonplace too is copied from Del Rio's work. It appears that when the author accidentally omitted 'vis', and had to add it in above the line, he clarified the quotation by repeating the phrase – as a single word, and with '-uis' instead of '-vis', as it appears in Del Rio – in the manuscript's left-hand margin. He therefore appears to have used his error as an occasion to reflect his source material more accurately.

Plin[ius] L. 8. qui vitia odit homines odit ablo como gentil. Del rio como christiano Adag[ialia] sacr[a] P. 2. adag[ium] 200. Christianorum vitia odisse, homines amare; tanto sapientior, quam stoycorum nostra Philosophia=⁴⁰⁴⁰ This part of the manuscript, not easily divisible, contains two commonplaces. The first, 'qui vitia odit homines odit', is taken from Pliny the Younger's letters: 'mandemusque memoriae quod vir mitissimus et ob hoc quoque maximus Thrasea crebro dicere solebat: “Qui vitia odit, homines odit”’; ‘Let us always remember what was so often said by Thrasea, whose gift of sympathy made him the great man he was: “Anyone who hates faults hates mankind”’ (LCL 59, trans. Betty Radice; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969; pp. 68–9). Del Rio also indicates that Pliny is quoting Thraseas. The second commonplace in this section is a comment made by Del Rio himself. After quoting Pliny, he writes: 'maximè ethnicum, iſta vix ſeparaſſe: ſed Chriſtianorum eſt vitia odiſſe, homines amare. tantò ſapientior, quàm Stoicorum, noſtra philoſophia'.

Caro questa lo q̊ a precio de Ruegos se compra–––Perfice hoc–––precibus pretio–––⁴¹⁴¹ These lines are quoted from an early modern Spanish "moralized Ovid", namely Sebastián de Alvarado y Alvear's Heroyda Ovidiana. Dido a Eneas. Con parafrasis española, y Morales Reparos Ilustrada (Bourdeaux: Guillaume Millanges, 1628; pp. 284–5). It appears likely that the author used this precise source because 'Perfice hoc–––precibus pretio–––' is formatted in the same way in both texts.

Vitrium quia Vitritum= Parca quia non parcit.Lucus, quia non Lucet.⁴²⁴² This commonplace cannot be traced to a source. The '=' sign is often used to indicate the end of a title or the end of a section; 'Vitrium quia Vitritum' therefore seems to be the title of the two lines that follow it.

Multiplicado el numero 9 desde la uni dad asta el mismo numero 9. todos los productos de la multiplicacion su mados componen el num.ᵒ 9=

Divus Anselmus=

[Velocior] est nonnunquam salus, memorato nomine Mariae, quam memorato nomine Jesu: in sermone Patrocini, La prueua es que aun que Christo s[eño]r n[uest]ro desea perdo nar al pecador, pulsate et aperietur vobis. petite et accipietis.^quando como Juez exerce la Justicia, Maria santissima como nuestra auogada, y protectora siempre nos esta amparando, y defendiendo=con su inter cesion para que su hijo santissimo vse de su misericordia con los pecadores siendo iguales estos atributos en su Mag[esta]d.⁴³⁴³ This commonplace is either paraphrased or miscopied from Section 8 (p. 35) within Chapter VI ('De gaudio Reſurrectionis') of Saint Anselm's Liber de excellentia beatissimæ V. Mariæ (Douai: Balthazar Bellerus, 1605), or copied from a variant source. Various seventeenth-century sources have 'Velocior' spelled with a "c", and 'invocato' in place of the second 'memorato'; the 1605 edition reads, 'Velociorque eſt nonnunquam ſalus memorato nomine eius, quàm inuocato nomine Domini Ieſu vnici filij ſui'. It appears that the author has written this commonplace in a mixture of Spanish and Latin, suggesting that he has a strong grasp of Latin. This commonplace appears to explain why it is more common to invoke the name of Mary than that of Jesus, giving the reason that while Jesus forgives sinners, Mary protects people from sinning.

Soneto

es de Don fran[cis]co de queuedo. en el lib. intit[ulado] vida de quebedo=⁴⁴⁴⁴ The author's reference to 'vida de quebedo' refers to Pablo Antonio de Tarsia’s Vida de don Francisco de Quevedo y Villegas (1663), reproduced in facsimile by Melquíades Prieto Santiago (Aranjuez: Ara Iovis, 1988). The sonnet may be found on pp. 101–2, with some orthographical differences. The only significant difference is between the manuscript author's 'guesos' and Tarsia's more recognisable 'huessos'.

Rauia y corage de Muger Amante de Lope de Vega=

Soneto.

non estira super iram Mulieris. S[piri]tu S[ant]o⁴⁶⁴⁶ This quotation is from Ecclesiasticus (25:23). Its proximity to the commonplace from Lope de Vega, and the fact that Ecclesiasticus is quoted nowhere else in fols. 53r.–70v., suggests that this quotation could have been printed below the Lope de Vega sonnet in the source from which the author copied it, or – if the author was working from a copy of the play Lo que está determinado, rather than a collection of sonnets – written in the margin by another reader.

Quod vnus populus eripuerit omnibus, facilius vni ab omnibus eripi po (ss) ^sse. seneca epíst[ola] 88. de D[on] fran[cis]co de quebedo en su Parn[a]so.⁴⁷⁴⁷ While the last Quevedo sonnet, mentioned in note 44, was copied from Tarsia's work, the below sonnet has been copied from El parnaso español y musas castellanas de don Franciſco de Queuedo Villegas (Madrid: Melchor Sanchez, 1668; pp. 45–6). This is evident from the citation 'en su Parn[a]so' and the fact that it is prefaced with a particular quotation from Seneca the Younger, as in the cited edition. The quotation and citation of Seneca are copied exactly from the 1668 edition of El parnaso español into the manuscript, albeit in reverse order. This commonplace aligns almost exactly with the modern edition of Seneca's Epistles, the sole difference being that 'uni' follows 'omnibus' in this edition, rather than 'facilius' (LCL 76, trans. Richard M. Gummere; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1920; p. 346). The quotation (in the modern edition) means 'whatever one people has snatched away from all the rest may still more easily be snatched by all away from one' (LCL 76, p. 347). Seneca's argument is that logic that is too clever might help one to avoid distressing conclusions, but it will not allow one to avoid distressing outcomes. Quevedo appears to echo this quotation, as a warning to Spain in the wake of hubristic military conquests, at the end of the below sonnet, to which the last sentence here (beginning 'de D franᶜᵒ…') refers. Indeed, before the quotation from Seneca in El parnaso español, Quevedo describes his sonnet as an '[a]dvertencia a Eſpaña, de que anſi como ſe ha hecho Señora de muchos, anſi ſerà de tantos enemigos invidiada' (perhaps with a misprint of the 'd' of 'invidiada' as an 'a').

Soneto

Pausanias meminit Veneris Machinatricis, quia nullum est fraudum genus, nullum quantumuis atrox facinus, quod ea causa non adeatur=⁴⁹⁴⁹ This commonplace is from the moralized Ovid mentioned in note 41 (p. 331). It is attributed to 'vn docto Iesvita' ("un docto Jesuita"), and the reference given in the source's margin is 'Zerd. in lib. 4. pag. 504'. These references combined lead the reader to Juan Luis de la Cerda, the frontispiece of whose P. Virgilii Maronis Priores sex libri Aeneidos argumentis, explicationibus notis illustrati (Lyon: Horatius Cardon, 1612) identifies him as a member of the 'Societatis Iesv'. This commentated version of Virgil was republished in 1628, but this is not the version cited by Alvarado y Alvear: not only was the latter's moralized Ovid published in that same year, but the page reference ('pag. 504') is correct for the 1612 edition, and not for the 1628 edition, where the quotation features on page 490. Alvarado y Alvear slightly miscopies Cerda, perhaps deliberately missing out the reference to Pausanias's work ('in Arcadic.'), and omitting the word 'cognomento' between 'Veneris' and 'machinatricis', perhaps by accident. While the quotation does indeed feature on page 504 of Cerda's work, it is to be found in Book 5, rather than Book 4 as the moralized Ovid tells us.

Anaxilas en Atheneo. neque chimeram fla- mivomam, neque charybdin, neque (tripli- citem) ⟨tricipitem⟩ scylam pontícam canem, neque sphingem, Hidram, Leaenam, Viperam, neq[ue]; volucre [Harpyarum] genus, neque vllam demum bestiam diritate sua conferri posse cum amante foemina= Vide fol. (5) ⁵ 7⁵⁰⁵⁰ This commonplace is taken from the same section of the same moralized Ovid as the above commonplace (p. 331), which is cited in note 41. This section is entitled 'Ira de mugeres amantes inſoſegable' (p. 330). Between the above commonplace (beginning 'Pausanias meminit') and this one, the author misses out Alvarado y Alvear's description of Anaxilas's diatribe: he believes it to have been expressed '[s]entidamente y con peſo'. The author makes several mistakes while copying this commonplace: to begin with, 'Harpyarum' is spelled with a single 'm' in the source, while 'flammivomam' is spelled with two. Regarding the creatures' names, 'Chimaram' becomes 'chimeram', 'Carybdin' gains an 'h', 'Scyllam' loses an 'l', and 'Hydram' becomes 'Hidram' in this manuscript; perhaps the author was reflecting, either consciously or subconsciously, spellings with which he was more familiar, or which had become more common in the decades since Alvarado y Alvear's work was published. In the case of 'Hidram', he may have been following Spanish spelling conventions. The author also corrects his own initial misspelling of 'tricipitem'. He paraphrases this segment of the moralized Ovid, and, as above, omits the reference given in the margin, which here is 'Lib. 3. Dipnosoph.'. This is perhaps because 'Anaxilas in Atheneo', also copied from the moralized Ovid, is sufficient to trace the original lines in Athenaeus's Deipnosophistae, or The Learned Banqueters (LCL 327, ed. and trans. S. Douglas Olson; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010; pp. 236–7). These lines have not been repurposed for an alternative theme: Athenaeus wrote them in criticism of women, and both Alvarado y Alvear and the author of this manuscript have also interpreted them in this context. 'Vide fol. 57' is an intriguing note, since it does not refer to the relevant page numbers in the moralized Ovid; perhaps it directs the author to a relevant folio in a relevant work, such as the same lines in an alternative source of Athenaeus's writings.

Auiendo echado Vn Pontifice Vn nuebo Tributo en Roma salio Vn Pasqvin q̊ decia: Contra folium quod Vento rapitur ostendis potenciam Tuam.⁵¹⁵¹ The Latin element of this commonplace is from Job 13:25, which reads 'Contra folium, quod vento rapitur, ostendis potentiam tuam, et stipulam siccam persequeris' in the Vulgata Latina. Job cannot understand why God is directing so much punishment at him alone, who is like a 'windblown leaf' (New International Version), 'folium quod vento rapitur'. The author therefore appears to be noting a humorous occurrence in which a pontiff announced a new tax, upon which a satirical affiche appeared, humorously comparing those who felt punished by the tax to Job and his extensive suffering.

Thomas Moro en vno de sus epygramas=

Version de la [Magníficat]=

Magnifica mi alma al señor, y mi espiritu se glorio en Dios, que es mi salud: por que atendio a la humildad de su sierba, y por eso todas las generaciones me diran Bienauenturada. Por que el poderoso hizo con migo grandes cosas, y tu santo nombre, y su misericordia se entende ra de generacion en generaciones, Para los que temen en su brazo manifesto su potencia: destruio a los soberbios con el espiritu de su corazon derribo a los poderosos de su silla, y leuanto alos humildes; a los que te- nian ambre lleno de Vienes: y dexo vacios a los que estaban Ricos, Reciuio a su sierbo Is- rrael, y se acordo de su misericordia, comolo dixo a n[ues]tros p[adre]s Habrahan y su gene-racion por todos los siglos=⁵³⁵³ This is the Magnificat, or Canticle of Mary, from the Bible (Luke 1:46–55).

Versiones sacadas de las obras de la Madre de Agreda=Nunc [dimittis]=Magnif[icat]=y Benedictu[s]⁵⁴⁵⁴ Hugh Thomas Henry states in the Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI (© The Encyclopedia Press, Inc., 1913), that the Nunc Dimittis, or Song of Simeon, 'is the last in historical sequence of the three great Canticles of the New Testament, the other two being the Magnificat (Canticle of Mary) and the Benedictus (Canticle of Zachary)'. The author of the manuscript claims to have copied these from the works of María de Jesús de Agreda. This suggests that the edition of Mística Ciudad de Dios to which he had access was bound with other works, including 'the three great Canticles of the New Testament'. Furthermore, 'obras' implies that the edition in question contained several of the Madre de Agreda's works.

Aora señor despediras a Tu sierbo, segun tu palabra en paz: por que ya mis ojos vieron al que es tu saludable; al qual pusiste delante la cara de todos los pueblos; lumbre para la Re- dencion delas gentes, y Gloria de Israel Tu Pueblo.⁵⁵⁵⁵ This is the Nunc Dimittis, or Song of Simeon, from the Bible (Luke 2:29–32).

Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel=

Bendito es el s[eño]r Dios de Isrrael: por q̊ a visitado, y hecho la redencion de su Pueblo: y lebanto para nosotros la fuerza de la salud en la casa de su sierbo Dauid. asi como lo tenia d[ic]ho por la voca de sus santos, que fueron sus Prophetas de los pasados siglos. la salud de n[ues]tros enemigos de mano de todos aque- llos, que nos aborrecieron.⁵⁶⁵⁶ This is the first part of the Benedictus, or Canticle of Zachary, from the Bible (Luke 1:68–71). This canticle is often written in verse form, but the folio's layout suggests that the author is copying from a prose version, or imposing the prose form on this quotation; the latter is also the case for the above sonnet by Quevedo, mentioned in note 48.

Para vsar de su misericordia con nuestros padres, y hacer memoria de su santo Testamento; el Juramento, que Juro a n[ues]tro Padre Habran, que senos daria a nosotros. Para que sin temor, quedando libres de las ma- nos de nuestros enemigos le sirbamos. en santidad y Justicia en su presencia todos los dias de nuestra Vida. Y tu niño seras llamado Propheta de el altisimo: por q̊. eras delante de su cara; para preparar sus caminos Para dar ciencia, y noticia de salud a su pueblo, en la Remision de sus Pecados: Por las entrañas de la misericordia de n[ues]tro Dios, en las quales nos visito, naciendo de las Alturas: Para dar luz a los q̊. de asiento viuen en tinieblas, y sombra de la muerte, y enderezar n[ues]tros pies en el camino de la Paz=⁵⁷⁵⁷ This is the second part of the Benedictus, or Canticle of Zachary, from the Bible (Luke 1:72–79).

El Mana que llouio en el desierto al pueblo ebreo llamado Manu cuia interpretacion est quid est hoc figura de el sacramento euquaristico, se declara en las palabras de la consagracion hoc est, que es la realidad=⁵⁸⁵⁸ The source of this commonplace is uncertain. It appears to be about the substance named Manna, which sustained the Israelites during their time in the desert (Exodus 16:1–36).

El año de 787. se comenzo el concilio constantino- politano se acabo en Nicea tratose de la adoracion delas Imagenes y lo que se resoluio contienen estos versos.

Nam Deus est, quod imago docet, sed non Deus ipsa

hanc videas, sed mente colas, quod cernis in ipsa

Caramuel in Arte navigan[di] sup[ra] aerem. nᵒ Lo 8o. not[a]9 dice contra la astrologia Judiciaria, q̊ quantomide el Astrologo ^nomo (⟨Astronomo⟩) , Miente el Astrologᵒmo=⁶⁰⁶⁰ The citation in this commonplace refers to chapter 14 of the early modern polymath Juan Caramuel's Mathesis Biceps. The chapter is entitled Nautica Aetherea, and subtitled Ars navigandi ſupra Aërem (Lyon: Laurent Anisson, 1670; p. 743). On page 759 features the Latin version of this commonplace, framed as a question and attributed to 'Picus Mirandulanus': '[q]uantum Aſtronomus metitur, tantum Aſtrologus mentitur?' The author of the manuscript has mixed Spanish ('Arte') and Latin in his citation, but whether the citation is his own or copied from a source that quotes Caramuel is uncertain. The latter seems more likely, as the relevant section of the 1670 edition of Caramuel's work does not correspond with an eighth chapter or section ('8o.', meaning "octavo"); furthermore, it may be the case that this citation appears in a marginal note in a text quoting Caramuel ('not. 9'). Although the commonplace is in Spanish rather than Latin, the manuscript's author could have translated it from a Latin source. Indeed, it is possible that it was taken from Sanchez Ciruelo's Uberrimum Sphere mundi commentum, mentioned in note 31. Sanchez was an astrologer who 'witnessed the condemnation of astrological prognostications of a judicial nature by the University of Paris in 1494' (Lanuza Navarro, p. 69), and may have complained in his published defences of astrology about Caramuel's aphorism being used 'contra la astrologia Judiciaria'. It is unclear whether the manuscript's author himself was in agreement with Sanchez or against the discipline of judicial astrology. It is certainly interesting that he originally miscopies the aphorism, producing the opposite of the intended meaning before correcting his mistake.

Diciendo vno, como es comun, q̊. es men[este]r Vna Anega de sal para conocer a Vn hombre Respondio Vn Discreto: el concepto es bueno, la sal es poca.=⁶¹⁶¹ This commonplace appears to suggest that, while one person might claim that a huge measure of salt is necessary to truly know a man, a wise man would tell them that that is a pleasant idea, but that would still be an insufficient amount of salt. This proverb, or more accurately a joke on a proverb, does not feature in Correas, Covarrubias, or Valdés; the author must therefore have copied it down from hearsay or from an unknown source, or indeed invented it himself.

Regimen de Vna Vida [...] Mingere [...] eachinare [...] confiteri Seme in hora; semel in die, semel in mens Honde^re [...] barbam Hebdomade, semel in mense, semel in anno.

Regimen, de la vida, economica Florinar [...] exonerar [...] quitarse la barba Semel in hora, semel in die, semel in Hebdomade, confesar [...] Purgarse Semel in Mense, semel in anno.⁶²⁶² If the material on this folio is quoted from a source, this source cannot be identified. Since the author's first attempt at the top of the page has a box drawn around it and lines drawn through it, it may be surmised that he produced this material from his own imagination, rejecting his own first draft. It appears to be a meditation that links male hygiene ('quitarse la barba') to piety and a balanced life ('Regimen, de la vida, economica').