Textblock and binding Front opening fol. 6v
Epitaphiu(m) clarissimi viri et militiss principis Ioh(ann)is nuper Ducis northumbrie.

John Dudley, duke of Northumberland was tried for treason after the failed attempt to divert the succession from Princess Mary to Lady Jane Grey. He was executed at Tower Hill on 22 August 1553. A long-time promoter of Protestantism, after receiving the death sentence, he renounced the protestant faith and professed his loyalty to the 'true catholic faith' (quoted in , John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504-1553 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, 270). But the pardon he sought was not forthcoming and, on the eve of his execution, he made a final plea, in a letter addressed to the Earl of Arundel, for mercy 'either by imprisonment or confiscation, Banishment and the like' (quoted in , 269). In the same letter he wrote the infamous lines: 'an old proverb there is and that most true that a living dog is better than a dead lion. O that it would please her good grace to give me life, yea, the life of a dog, that I might kiss her feet . . . O my good lord remember how sweet life is, and how bitter the contrary'. This ignominious ending meant that 'Northumberland died a martyr to no cause, and respected by neither side in the developing ideological conflict' ( , 271). Nor was he redeemed in the protestant culture of the succeeding generation, as David Loades put it, 'if he had remained an avowed protestant . . . rather than having abjured, he would have been rehabilitated by Foxe, but as it was no one had a good word to say for him' (, 'Dudley, John, duke of Northumberland (1504–1553), royal servant', in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography ). His apostasy was also an embarrassment to his immediate family. Robert Dudley (Northumberland's son) declined an offer by a certain Thomas Trollope to write in defence of his father and grandfather arguing 'these spread abroad will win the hearts of all the nobility and commons' (quoted in , 278).

No other copies of this eulogy have been traced. The anonymous author makes no reference to Northumberland's apostasy focusing instead on his military successes and comparing his downfall at the hands of his own men to Caesar's. The absence of a national monument for the disgraced Duke is mitigated by the idea (perhaps borrowed from Pericles' well known funeral oration; see note below) that the deeds of heroes live long after death in the collective memory of the world.

1 Ecce iaces parvo terre northumber in antro * Northumberland was buried in the chapel of St Peter ad Vincula (the parish church of the Tower of London) under the chancel floor.
2 no(n) bene cu(m) factis co(n)veniente tuis.
3 no(n) tenet hec etenim vel tota britanica tellus
4 vtpote que magnus non tenet oceanus * Lines 3-4 are reminiscent of Pericles' famous funeral oration in Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian war (2.35-46): 'For the whole world is the sepulchre of famous men' (, History of the Peloponnesian war, translated by Charles Forster Smith (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014, 337).
5 fama hec diffundit totum volitando per orbem
6 fama viros claros que celebrare solet.
7 gallia du(m) nimiu(m) co(n)fidit marte feroci * Northumberland (as Lord Admiral) took a leading role in the English crown's attempt to retain Boulogne: 'On 12 February [1545] the council wrote to the earl of Shrewsbury, reporting that a French attack upon Boulogne had been repulsed by the Lord Admiral "Lieutenant there", with assistance from Calais. It must have been an attack in some force if the French really suffered six or seven hundred casualties as the council alledged' (, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504-1553 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 68).
8 persensit tanti facta time(n)da Ducis
9 sensit Edinburgu(m) vetus vrbs et chara scotorum * Edinburgh was sacked by the English on the morning of 8 May 1544 with Northumberland taking the lead: 'Lisle [i.e. Northumberland] attacked the main gate . . . blowing it in with a culverin. Thereafter the city was an easy prey' (, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504-1553 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 63).
10 et stragem tanti regio tota Ducis
11 northfolcique ducem tantu(m) sensere rebelles * Referring to Kett's Rebellion 1549. Northumberland (then Earl of Warwick) received acclaim for defeating Kett and restoring order in Norwich. 'For joy of the victory, every man set up the raggged staff/Warwick's insignis/ upon their gates and doors in the lord lieutenant's honor which so continued many years after'; , Northumberland: The Myth of the Wicked Duke and the Historical John Dudley. Albion, 11.1 (1979): 1-14, 9.
12 et ffidei i(m)memores officijque sui
13 huic tamen invidit nimiu(m) fortuna noverca
14 ne satis est longos passa videre dies
15 nam tandem vt cesar sublatus cede suorum est
16 patricijs fidens perfida roma tuis
17 sic personatis nimis hic du(m) credit amicis * In the denouement of the plot to place Jane on the throne 'alle was agayns ym-selff, for ys men forsok hym' (quoted from the diary of Henry Machyn in , John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504-1553 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 264).
18 regine penas, suppliciu(m)que dedit.
19 et male delusus pravoru(m) fraude viroru(m)
20 ante diem cecidit (proh mala fata) suu(m)
ffinis
proverbial
nempe malus messor fals falcem no(n) obtinet apta(m)
This riddle is solved by removing the first and last letters of navem leaving the greeting ave.
mitto tibi navem sine puppe prora carentem.
This couplet forms part of the inscription on Chaucer's tomb set up by Nicholas Brigham in 1556 at Westminster Abbey.
1 Qui fuit anglorum vates ter maximus olim
2 galfridus chaucer co(n)dit(u)r hoc tumulo.
This couplet is a loose translation of a Latin verse found in another contemporary document with manuscript transcriptions from Chaucer's tomb (a 1550 copy of Chaucer's works owned by Richard Wilbraham d. 1612; see Huntington Library, Rare Books 99584 ): 'Chaucer occubuit sed corpore, cetera numquam / Post cineres virtus viuere sola facit' (Chaucer's body lies dead but his spirit lives forever, / Virtue alone can give us life after death). The second line is a commonly found Latin funereal tag.
1 vertue fflouresshethe in chawcere styll
2 thowgh death off hyme hathe wrought hys wyll.

Part of the inscription on Chaucer's tomb set up by Nicholas Brigham in 1556 at Westminster Abbey. Another copy appears in Huntington Library, Rare Books 99584 , a 1550 copy of Chaucer's works with contemporary manuscript transcriptions from Chaucer's tomb.

The first three lines were illegible by the early 17th century described by Thomas Speght in a 1602 copy of Chaucer's works as 'written about the ledge of this tomb ... [but now] clean worne out' (quoted from Joseph A. Dane and Alexandra Gillespie, 'Back at Chaucer's Tomb—Inscriptions in Two Early Copies of Chaucer's "Workes"', Studies in Bibliography, 52 (1999), 89-96, 2).

Chaucer de se.
1 Si rogites quis eram forsan te fama docebit
2 q(u)od si fama neget, transit q(u)ia gloria mu(n)di
3 hec monume(n)ta lege.
4 Annu(m) si queras D(omi)ni, si tempora mortis,
5 ecce note subsunt que tibi cuncta notent.
This proverbial piece of wisdom on the subject of adolescence is copied horizontally in line with the fore-edge. (To read the text the image has to be turned using the left arrow)
1 Est res scire gravis via que sit in equore navis,
2 que colubri vel avis, iuvenis gravior via q(u)ivis.
fol. 12r
12
This dialogue is the only extant copy of a ballad entered in the Stationers' Register (1 August 1586) with the title, 'betwene a Spanishe gent and an English gentlewoman' (no. 188 in An Analytical Index to the Ballad-Entries (1557-1709) in the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1924). ( Review: [Untitled]. Modern Philology 23.1 (1925): 119-125 ), who identified this copy as the ballad, suggests that it 'is probably a jig, and the earliest extant dramatic piece dealing with [the trope of] the lustful foreign wooer' (124).
1 Maddame dangloyse me tell you verye true
2 me be verye muche Enamored wythe youe
3 me loue you muche bettro then I cane well saye
4 no(n) queris hablario hyspanyolaye * don't you want to speak Spanish
5 Signior Domegro me loue you twyse so well
6 but what yo(u)r meaninge is sure that cane I not tell
7 for lacke of yo(u)r languayge I knowe not what to saye
8 because I cannot parle youre spanyolaye
9 Ladye mattresso knowe you notynge what
10 me praye you what call you me tyttye poure tatt
11 make me yo(u)r lovere & shewe me some playe
12 me teache you parlere the fyne spaniolaye.
13 Par moyfoye * by my faith (OED ma foi, int.) monseure you bene a merrye man
14 what yo(u)r meanynge is sure I well vndrestand
15 you seme suche a wanton I swere by my faye
16 that I dare not lerne of you to speake spanioloye
17 Counta my goutt ladye my shaumbre to come bye
18 me make you de velcome as velcome as I
19 the grand pettye tynge me geue you by my faye
20 Coutte for to lerne you to speake spainolaye
21 Yo(u)r spaynyolaye hyt is all so trymme
22 thatt hyt for to lerne I wold fayne begyne
23 ffor teachyne of me yo(u)r spanyolaye
24 you shall haue a kysse of me once eu(er)ye daye
25 Gotte a m(er)cye goutte maddame gott a m(er)cye for tys
26 twenty gram(er)cyes me geue you for one kys.
27 You be de goutte ladye you do as you saye
28 me warrant you quiecklye the best spanyolaye
29 But tell me my segnior where yo(u)r chaumbre ys
30 that when I come to you I nede not to mys
31 and I wyll not lett to do as I saye
32 to come to yo(u)r chaumbre once eu(er)ye daye
33 Ladye prettye ladye, praye gotte me neu(er) see
34 but tatte you make muche comfort for to me
35 my hart dothe leape quycke w(i)thin my bellye
36 oh my swette maystres you make me so merrye
37 My shaumbre hard by the signe of the pye * name of an Inn; the actor and theatre entrepeneur Edward Alleyn (1566-1626) was born 'near Devonshire House, where now is the sign of the Pye' (ODNB)
38 make axe for Domegro the segnior where he lye
39 the lane you call abshurche by lumbar strete
40 me knowe when you com me there you wyll mete
fol. 12v
41 I wold not co(m)me ^ when you haue companye
42 I wyll send word before that no man me see
43 you be so iolye so prettye and neette
44 that you & me els some folke wyll suspecte
45 You come terre a backe dore my payge lett you in
46 me make all tyngz for you so gaye and so try(m)me
47 you no sonn(er) co(m)me aboue in my shaumbre
48 but you smell the swette muske & de fyne aumbre
49 ffare well then segnior adewe for this tyme
50 provyde you good cheare somme sugere & wyne
51 I loue verye well the thyng(es) that be lyckeryshe * sweet, tempting (OED lickerish, adj.)
52 marchepayne * flat disc of marzipan mounted on wafers (OED marchpane, n.) & quince pye I care for no stockfyshe
53 Bezeles maynes oh you my faire ladye
54 me lacke noty no tynge datte me maye get dayntye
55 take you my shane[?] here & make yo(u)r gorge gaye
56 no man in the world tat haue so muche shoye.
ffinis.
This sententious verse was written by the courtier John Harington the elder; another contemporary copy headed with his monogram is found in Trinity College Dublin, MS 160, fol. 176v. The poem was never printed but appears to have circulated widely and survives in five more substantive copies, all unattributed (British Library Harley MS 7392, fol. 59v; British Library Add. MS 38823, fol. 48r; British Libary Egerton MS 2642, fol. 256v; British Library, Harley MS 2296, fol. 138r; and National Library of Wales MS 23202B, fol. 171v).
1 Who sparethe to speke hyt is longe or he spede * Spare to speak, spare to speed is proverbial (. A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, S709).
2 Yf he spede whe(n) he speakethe his speache is well spente
3 Yff he spede not when he speakethe what hathe he lost
4 he hathe spent but his speache & smaule is the coste * The cheapness of words is proverbial (. A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, W808, W804).
The first two lines are proverbial (. A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, S727); another copy appears in British Library MS Sloane 2497, fol. 35v.
1 he that spekethe me fayre & loues me not
2 I wyll geue hyme faire words and trust hym not
3 as good is a ffooe that hurtes me nott
4 as a ffrynd that healpes me nott.
1 he that hathe an evyll byll * implement used for cutting wood (OED bill n.1, 4) & goes to the woode w(i)t(h) an evyll
2 wyll
3 and is macched * matched i.e. married w(i)th a shrewe,
4 litle woode shall he hewe.
Nonsensical macaronic verse, mixing Latin and English for humorous effect.
1 Impleto hydrias, ffyll thye pottes twayne
2 et quu(m) confideras, a rumblynge in thy brayne
3 et terra se amoveat, th(a)t rather was playne
4 Dormire te studeas, & kepe the ffrom the rayne.
fol. 13v
A variant of this couplet appears in Huntington Libray MS HM 8 (P4) alongside an English translation: 'Serve woman serve child, black monke obay / Smale thanke shall you have at the end of the daye'; further copies found in Bodleian MS Tanner 306/1
2 est et semper erit litle thanke in fine laborum.
The second line of this anti-feminist couplet is the well-known Latin tag 'Deceite, weeping, spinning, God has granted to womankind'; see Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, Third Series, Volume 5, ed. Roger Dahood and Peter E. Medine (New York: AMS Press, 2008), 53
1 nec cras nec heri nu(m)q(uam) credas in muliere
2 fl fallere flere nere statuit Deus in muliere
The following three extracts were copied from Joachim Sterck van Ringelberg's Experimenta (1531); the second extract gives two different recipes for invisible writing. The same methods are also found in François Rabelais' Pantagruel (first published 1532). When Pantagruel receives a letter from a lady in Paris which appears to have nothing written on it he tries a number of methods, some quite fantastical, to reveal the writing: 'he held it against the fire, to see whether the writing had been done in sal ammoniac steeped in water ... He then slid it gently into a basin of clear water and drew it out quickly, to see whether it was written in plume-alum' (Gargantua and Pantagruel, trans. M.A. Screech (London: Penguin Books, 2006), 120-21).

metallis, viridis color inducitur si humectentur aceto falso.

Salis genus est que armoniacum appellant: hoc co(n)tusu(m) mistu(m)q(ue) aqua, literas q(u)idem falsas reddit nihil distantes a colore papyri, sed si igni admoveris, nigras: Ad eundem modu(m) aluminis pulvere scripta no(n) appare(n)t nisi charta(m) quu(m) legere voles miseris in aqua.

faba crescens e corde felis efficit, vt homo cuius corpus tangit no(n) cernat(u)r.

he th(a)t vsethe to eate rubarbe daylye shall haue no nede of physytions /

To knowe a true mayd

lett here drynke of the drynke in w(hi)ch the stone gagates * For the use of gagates or jet stone as a test of virginity, see Mary Floyd-Wilson, Occult Knowledge, Science and Gender on the Shakespearean Stage (Cambridge: Cambridge Univerity Press, 2013), 95. is put & yf she be a mayd she shall immedyatlye crye owt.

for memorye

Take the gaule of partryges & kepe it in a tyne boxe & there w(i)th anoynt thy temples let it drye a space & then wype it awaye with a clothe & this doyng wyll quicken thy memorye verye muche /* The same advice is found in 's De memoria reparanda translated in 1562 by William Fulwood as The castel of memorie, STC (2nd ed.) 12191, sig. E1v: 'Symeon Sethi affirmeth that the Galle of a Partridge being anoynted once in a moneth, vppon the vaynes of the temples ... is verye profitable to confirme the Memorie'.

for ache in the armes leegs or thighes

Take hoccecroce * possibly an ointment made from a plant of the medicinal hock family (hollyhock, marsh mallow etc.) at the apotycaryes & sprede it vppon a white shepp skynne & pricke the leather & lay it vppo(n) the ache & it wyll take it awaye /

for ache in anye part of the bodye

Take the earthe of a mole hill newlye cast in a fatte * fertile (OED fat, adj. 9a) grownd & especyallye in a garden gro(u)nd & frye it alone & put it in a lynnen bagge & laye it to the place as whot as you can suffere hit & when it waxethe could lay to an other bagge whote & lye on it iij howres & the ache wylbe gonne. probatu(m) est * i.e. 'it has been proved'; presumably tried and proved by the compiler Edward Gunter

fol. 17v

off envious people & backbyt(e)rs

1 Those crancred envyous wights eschue,
2 of backbyters take hede
3 w(hi)ch hurte more w(i)th there poysoned towngs
4 than they can w(i)th theire dede
5 of Adders broude & serpents vyle
6 I thinke they fyrst dyd sprynge
7 w(hi)ch wylbe hyssynge w(i)th there towngs
8 when that they can not stynge
EG
1 Whye dost thou (Envious) att thye feastz
2 lyke prattelynge parrette pratte
3 off pettygrees w(hi)ch thow canst not
4 distayne: thinks not thye hate?
5 Do geue men cause thy owne offspringe
6 & basenes for to marke
7 yes suerlye all men do knowe
8 that curres wyll alwayes barke.
EG
Translation of a Latin satirical verse by Thomas More subscribed with Edward Gunter's 'EG' monogram; the original is found earlier in the manuscript on fol. 1r: 'Res gravis est vxor poterit tamen vtilis esse / Si propere moriens, det sua cuncta tibi' [A wife is a burden, but she could be useful if she dies in time to leave you all she owns]; translation taken from Leicester Bradner and Charles Arthur Lynch The Latin epigrams of Thomas More (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), 163. Another contemporary English translation is found in Timothy Kendall's Flowers of epigrammes, 1577, STC (2nd ed.) 14927, sig. K4v: 'Greefes greuous wiues are vnto men, / yet gladsome shall we finde them / And louyng: if so leuyng vs, / they leaue their goods behind them'. Kendall includes two more versions in the same volume on sig. Q7r: the first, entitled 'Of a wife', 'To combersome a clog / a wife is vnto man: / She neuer doth hym good, / nor profites him, but whan / She dyes, and leaues to tread / this toylsome worldly path: / And leueth in her sted / the golde she hoorded hath', is followed by another version, entitled 'The same and shorter', 'A husband of his wife / hath neuer proffit, saue / When she doth leaue her goods behind / and goes herselfe to th grave'.

of ioyfull days w(i)th a wyffe

1 Too happye dayes w(i)th welthye wyffe,
2 thowe mayst happen to haue
3 Weddynge the one, the other when,
4 that deade she lyes in graue.
EG
Translation of a Latin epigram by Thomas More subscribed with Edward Gunter's 'EG' monogram; the original, printed under the title 'In Digamos, e Graeco' [On men twice married from the Greek], is found earlier in the manuscript on fol. 1v: 'Qui capit vxorem defuncta vxore secundam / naufragus in tumido bis natat ille freto' [The widower who marries again is a shipwrecked sailor who a second time sails the threatening sea]; translation taken from The Latin epigrams of Thomas More, 179.

off wyddowers.

1 A wyddower who is once become,
2 and sekes a second wyffe
3 is lyke to hyme who ffrom shyppe wracke
4 agayne dothe venter lyffe
5 in broken shepe, forgettinge clene,
6 the dawnger of the w--ve wayve
7 and trustethe styll (as once before)
8 good fortune maye hyme save.
EG
fol. 44r
44

To the tune of lustye gallaunt

This ballad is the only surviving copy of a version that was printed as a broadside in the 1560s; see , Old English Ballads 1553-1625: Chiefly from Manuscripts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920), 322. Another copy survives, in a sigificantly different version, in a collection of contemporary broadside ballads, A handefull of pleasant delites, 1584, STC (2nd ed.) 21105, sigs. D5r-6r (an earlier edition exists only as a fragment, STC (2nd ed.) 21104.5). The populiarity of this ballad is apparent from the heading of a ballad, registered in 1565-66, with the instruction to be sung 'To the tune of fayne wolde I fynd sum pretty thynge to geeve unto my lady' and a moralization, licenced in 1566-67, entitled 'fayne wolde I have a godly thynge to shewe vnto my ladye' (no. 819 in Hyder E. Rollins' An Analytical Index to the Ballad-Entries (1557-1709) in the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1924). The subject matter is quite risqué and early modern readers would have enjoyed the joke of the sexual connotation of the 'pretty thing' that the lady wants from the slang use of the word 'thing' to mean penis and the near homonym 'prat[y]' slang for buttocks (OED prat, n3 1a); (see , A Dictionary of Sexual Language and Imagery in Shakespearean and Stuart Literature (Athlone Press, 1994), 1380; and a bawdy song entitled "Jolly Pedlar's Pretty Thing" (see )
1 Fayne wold I haue a pretye thinge
2 to geue vnto my ladye
3 I meane no hurt I meane no harme
4 but as pretye a thinge as may be
5 Twentye Iournyes woold I make
6 & twentye ways goo hye me * 'hye me' i.e. betake myself quickly (OED hie, v.1 2b)
7 to geue adventures for here sake
8 to sett some matt(e)r by me
9 Some do longe for pretye knackes
10 & some for strange devises
11 god send me that my ladye lakes * i.e. lacks
12 I care not what the p(r)ice is
13 Some go here & some go there
14 where gapings be not geason * uncommon, rare (OED geason, adj. 2)
15 and I goo wandringe eu(er) where
16 & styll come owt of season
17 The mercers * person who deals in textile fabrics; a member of the Worshipful Company of Mercers (OED n. 1) pull me goynge by
18 the sylke wyffes say what lake yo(u)
19 a thinge that yo(u) haue not say I
20 you folyshe fooles go packe you
21 Yt is not all the gold in cheape
22 nor all the golden treasure
23 nor twentye busshels in a heape
24 can do my ladye pleasure
25 ffor weare yt in the wytte of man
26 by anye meanes to make hit
27 I wold for mony by * i.e. buy hit than
28 & say faire ladye take hit
29 But ladye what a lucke is this
30 that my good wyllynge myssethe
31 to find what preatye thinge hyt is
32 that my good ladye wysshethe.
ffinis
fol. 44v

Verses made by the Quenes Ma(ies)tie

This poem written in response to the Northern (Catholic) Rebellion of 1569-70 is attributed to Queen Elizabeth in every one of the surviving manuscript copies (see CELM: ElQ14 for a full listing). George Puttenham also quoted the poem as the queen’s ('this ditty most sweet and sententious') in The Arte of English Poesie (1589, sig. 2E2v), informing the reader that Elizabeth, 'perceiuing how by the Sc. Q. [Scots Queen: Mary Stuart] residence within this Realme . . . bred secret factions among her people', wrote the poem to show that 'she was nothing ignorant of those secret practizes' and to warn 'all such aspiring minds the daunger of their ambition and disloyaltie' (sig. 2E2r). A copy of the poem deriving from the Harington family papers, printed in Nugæ Antiquæ (1769, 1:58-59), provides the following anecdote about how the queen’s verse was first released into manuscript circulation: 'My Lady Wiloughby did covertly get it on her Majesties tablet, and had much hazard in so doing; for the Queen did find out the thief, and chid for spreading evil bruit of her writing such toyes, when other matters did so occupy her employment at this time; and was fearful of being thought too lightly of for so doing'.
1 The dowbt * dread, fear (OED n.1 3a) off future foes exiles my pr(e)sent ioye
2 and wytte me warnes to shunne suche snares as threate(n) mine anoye
3 ffor falshode nowe dothe flowe & subiects faithe dothe ebbe
4 w(hi)ch shuld not be yf reason rulde or wisdome weaved the webbe
5 but clowdes of ioyes vntyed do cloke aspirynge mynds
6 w(hi)ch turnes to raige of late repent bi chaunged course of windes
7 the toppe of hope suppost the roote vpreard shalbe
8 & friuctles all there grafted guile, as shortly you shall see
9 the dayseled eyes w(i)th pride, w(hi)ch greate ambition blyndes
10 shalbe vnseelde bi worthie wyghts whose foresight falshode finds
11 the dawghter off debatte,* i.e. Mary Stuart (the Queen of Scots) the figure-head for the Catholic rebellion; debatte = strife, contention (OED n.1a) th(a)t discord aye doye sowe
12 shall reape no gayne where form(er) rule styll * settled (OED adj. 5a) peace hathe tawght to ^knowe
13 no fforrene banished wight shall ancore in this port
14 o(u)r realme brokes * endures, tolerates (OED v.1 3a) not seditious sectz, lett them els where resort
15 My rusty swerd throwghe rest shall first his eydge imploye
16 to povle there toppes * i.e. cut off their heads th(a)t sekes suche chaunge or gape for * i.e. long for (OED v. 4a) future ioye/
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About this text

Title: Selections from an Elizabethan miscellany of verse
Author: Gunter, Edward [compiler]
Edition: Taylor edition
Series: Taylor Editions: Guest Publication
Editor: Edited by Jessica Edmondes.

Identification

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. poet. 108

Contents

Summary: MS Rawl. poet. 108 is a poetic miscellany compiled ca. 1563 to 1573 by Edward Gunter. The collection was probably put together when Gunter was a student at Lincoln's Inn and is a curious mix of the courtly and homely: for example, it includes a series of Latin poems written by leading humanists of the day to mark Robert Dudley's elevation to the peerage (as Earl of Leicester) on 27 September 1564, Latin speeches in verse delivered during Queen Elizabeth's first visit to Oxford University (31 Aug to 6 Sept 1566), as well as extracts from an instructional poem on husbandry, medicinal recipes and two broadside ballads. Other highlights from the collection include a poem written by the queen herself in response to the Northern (Catholic) Rebellion of 1569-70; two verse orations for wedding masques held at Lincoln's Inn in 1566; aide-memoires for the steps to dances and the only surviving copy of an anonymous elegy (in Latin) for John Dudley, the attainted duke of Northumberland.Language of text: Latin and English

Physical description

Object

Support description
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The paper comes from a single block with a watermark comprising a glove decorated with a fleur-de-lis on the cuff and a flower protruding at the finger end.

88 folios 200mm x 150mm

Foliated 1-65. The Arabic numerals are placed regularly in the top right-hand corner of the recto of each leaf; the script and ink appear to be contemporary with the volume's compilation. Following on from this, every 5th leaf is numbered in pencil to 80. The remaining leaves (folios 81-88) are unnumbered. There is another sequence of foliation from 1-9 on fols. 29v-37r.

Collation

4o: 1-108118 (-5)

The centrally-placed watermark is divided by the fold in the quarto leaf and conjugate pairs feature opposite ends of the watermark. The quires of eight leaves were most likely formed by folding two sheets together.

There is one missing folio in the final gathering (fol. 85) and a paper stub remains with a few remnants of text where the leaf has been torn.

Layout

The text is well spaced with generous margins. No ruling or pricking visible, but some leaves are folded to mark eight or four columns, for example in the glossary/medical index (fols. 45-62) and the list of non-conformists (fols. 38-41). A couplet copied horizontally in line with the fore-edge with the text facing outwards (i.e. to read the text the volume has to be turned so that the fore-edge faces the reader) appears on each side of the following folios: 1r-8v, 14v-15r, 16r-17r and 18r. Stanzas are numbered 1-8 on fol. 44r and line numeration at five-line intervals appears on fol. 44v.

Hands

The principal contents of the manuscript comprising the original miscellany from folios 1-44 (apart from two short entries in different hands discussed below) and a single page towards the end of the volume on fol. 87v reversed are written in a pure secretary hand belonging to Edward Gunter. The hand is fairly cursive but has some characteristic mid-century features, such as 't's bending to the right and long descenders formed with thick pen strokes (especially 's' and 'f'). Distinguishing characteristics include the sweeping tail of 'g' which crosses over the head to link with the following letter; the 'h' which has lost most of its rounded body and has a long linking tail; two types of 'r' (the '2' and 'twin-stemmed') and the exclusive use of open reversed 'e'. Gunter's hand is quite uniform over the course of the manuscript suggesting that the collection was compiled over a concentrated period of time.

There are two different hands that appear in the midst of Gunter's entries and were probably contributions from his friends; (1) on fol. 17r a quatrain is written in an unidentified early Elizabethan secretary (with graphs formed by heavy pen strokes) containing distinctive letter forms such as the open spurred 'a', regular c+3 form of 's', broken 'e' and open headed 'g' with a cross bar; (2) on fol. 18r three lines from Virgil with an English translation beneath written in unidentified italic (with a few secretary graphs, for example, 'k' and 'd'). The use of a elaborate punctuation mark (. ~ .//.) to mark the end of each text not used elsewhere in the manuscript suggests that this is not Gunter's italic hand.

A couplet at the top of an otherwise blank page at the end of the manuscript on fol. 84v is written in another pure Elizabethan secretary with letter forms (such as greek 'e') not found in any of the other distinct hands identified in the manuscript.

The inscription on the fore-edge fold of the vellum cover (see below) is written in the secretary hand of one of Edward Gunter's brothers.

On the back fly-leaf reversed—in jottings, signatures and pen trials—appears the italic and secretary hands of the compiler's sister Elinor Gunter;'Be it knowen vnto all men by thes presentes that I' is copied several times in differing scripts. There are also a number of doodles and drawings of a girl's head that judging by the colour of the ink were copied at the same time.

The name William Oldisworth is signed on the back fly-leaf, lower right-hand corner in an italic hand.

Binding

Original 16th century vellum binding held together with three leather thongs laced through the cover at the joints.

Two pages from a 14th century missal have been used as pastedowns (see Madan).

The vellum cover has shrunk and become brittle with some damage at the edges. The leather thongs securing the text block have come loose.

History

Origin

The inscription on the inside vellum cover fold gives a terminus a quo (earliest possible date) for this manuscript of February 1563 when Edward Gunter was admitted to Lincoln's Inn. The events alluded to in the entries (Robert Dudley's elevation to the peerage in 1564, on fol. 6r; poems addressed to the queen during her visit to the University of Oxford in 1566, on fols. 8v-9r; a reference on fol. 10r to 'My lord of Essex measures', a title, not held since 1554, conferred on Walter Devereux in May 1572; the epitaph for John Jewel bishop of Salisbury, on fol. 18r, who died 23 September 1571; and two orations by Thomas Pounde written for weddings masques held at Lincoln's Inn in 1566, on fols. 24r-42v, provide an approximate range of dates from 1563 to 1573 in which the principal writing of the manuscript took place.

A portion of the manuscript, from fols. 45r-64v and fols. 81r-81v, was filled much later. dates the entry of the alphabetical headings for an English glossary (mostly unfilled) to 1612 at the earliest, and the index to a book printed in 1655, which overwrites the glossary, must post-date that publication.

Provenance

The first owner of the manuscript and sole compiler of its principal contents (i.e. up to fol. 44v) as and have suggested is Edward Gunter of Lincoln's Inn (admitted 3 February 1563 The Records of the Honorable Society of Lincoln's Inn. Vol. I. Admissions from A.D. 1420 to A.D. 1799, 70). The evidence for this comes from a number of entries signed with a monogram comprising the letters EG (on folios 9v, 16r-v, 17v) and a couplet on folio 16v ('Geve credytte who lyst to women muche / For I haue donne my lucke is suche') bearing the annotation 'quoth gunter'. The Lincoln's Inn association comes from two unique orations in verse presented at wedding masques held there and written by one of its members, Thomas Pounde (fols. 24r-37r). Further conclusive evidence is found an inscription on the inside fold of the vellum cover, obscured in a crease which has stiffened and shrunk back into several folds, here for the first time transcribed in full: To his welbeloved brother Edward Gunter gent at linco(n)les ye(n)ne geue these to spede. It records the gift of the blank volume to Edward Gunter with an imperative from his brother to fill the pages with useful knowledge ('geve these to spede'). At the end of the volume the fly-leaf is covered with jottings, pen trials and doodles in conjuction with a name signed variously as 'Eline', 'Eliner' and 'Eliner gunter'). Elinor was clearly using the page to practice her signature and to try out different scripts for example 'Be it knowen vnto all men by thes presentes' is copied out twice in full (and the first few words many more times further down the page) in a secretary hand with some ill-formed graphs and in a more competent italic script. The prominence of the signatures on the back fly-leaf and the entries, already mentioned, signed with the letters E and G has led to the suggestion that the volume was compiled by Elinor ( and make this assumption), but as and suggest, and the inscription now confirms, the owner and principal scribe of the manuscript is her brother Edward.

Edward and Ellen (diminutive of Elinor) are listed as children of Geoffrey Gunter of Milton and Agnes Yate of Highworth ; genealogies for the Gunters of Kintbury are found in volume three of Ellias Ashmole's Antiquities of Berkshire (London, 1719), 315; Bodleian MS Rawl. D. 865, fol. 113v; and The Visitations of Berkshire in 1566 (Exeter: William Pollard, printer, 1885), 14. Edward is the second son after Simon and is followed by three more males, John, Bryan and Humphrey, listed as 3rd, 4th and 5th respectively. The Gunter genealogies also record three daughters, Joan and Elizabeth both married by 1566, and Elinor, probably the youngest of the Gunter children, for whom there is no record of a marriage. However, Elinor's marriage to Thomas Fisher (Edward's 'welbeloved' friend at Lincoln's Inn, see below) who was lord of a manor in Liddington Wick in Wiltshire is recorded in the Visitation of Wiltshire 1623 (London: George Bell & Sons, 1882, 27). Thomas Fisher's last will made in October 1598 shortly before he died 'being sicke and weake in bodie' refers to 'Ellen ... my welbeloved wiefe' and provides for their three children Henry, Anne and Dorothie (NA PROB 11/92/342). Ellen is the 'sole executrix' and 'John Gunter gentlemen' (Edward's younger brother and surviving heir of the Gunters of Kintbury) is one of three overseers.

Edward Gunter descended from a solid country gentry family, and at the time of making his final will on 11 October 1585, 'sick and diseased in bodye' (NA PROB/11/68/577), he resided in North Moreton a small county parish 12 miles south of Oxford. He died a few weeks later on 28th of the same month. A few things can be gleaned about his life and career. Edward was a trained lawyer, called to the bar by 7 Feb 1574 (Black Books, 389) and, as the evidence suggests, he maintained a life-long connection with Lincoln's Inn being appointed autumn steward of the reader's dinner at a council held on 6 Nov 1579 (ibid., 415) and forming his closest friendships there. All four overseers named in his will were fellow Inns men (named for the 'speciall goodwill truste and confidence which I have conceiued in [them]'): his 'welbeloved' Henry Willoughby (of West Knoyle, Wiltshire; entered Lincoln's Inn 20 April 1567; Admissions, 74), William Oldesworth or Oldisworth (of Gloucestershire; entered Lincoln's Inn 8 October 1564; Admissions, 72); Richard Wheeler (of London; special admission to Lincoln's Inn on 17 Nov 1566. Admissions, 74) and Thomas Fisher (of Liddington Wick, Wiltshire; entered Lincoln's Inn 4 Nov 1562; Admissions, 70). Also mentioned in Lincoln's Inn Black Books, 364, under a list of benchers present at a council meeting held 2 Feb 1569 together with Richard Wheeler). Edward Gunter remained a bachelor and it is clear from the references in his will to his chamber (or lodgings) in London with its furnishings ('bedding', 'chaires' and 'cushens') and items of clothing (his 'Russett studie gowne' and 'blacke clothe gowne furred with budge') that his professional life was based in the metropolis. The mention of books 'at London or elsewheare' suggests that his life was divided between London and his country seat at North Moreton. Edward Gunter might also have been employed in some capacity as a royal financial officer: on fol. 87v of his miscellany there are two sets of accounts in his hand, one listing various fees incurred in the department of the Exchequer and another for an enrolment of a recognizance in Chancery (a division of the high court). This might have been part of his legal work as a barrister, but much later (in 1596) his brother Brian did have such a role being appointed by the Lord Treasurer as escheator for Oxfordshire and Berkshire (see , The bewitching of Anne Gunter, 37).

At the time of making his will Edward was head of the Gunter family and he passed on the ancestral inheritance to John, the next brother in line, defaulting to his nephew Edward in case of an early death. But this third son of Geoffrey and Agnes together with his wife Alice Keblewhite of Blewbury were destined to enjoy remarkably long lives for the period. Two brasses in St Mary's Church, Kintbury commemorate John Gunter aged 89 (died 1624) and Alice aged 86 (died 1626) 'being full as of yeares so of bounty and charity'. There were also legacies for his younger siblings their spouses and numerous progeny. The parsonage of North Mourton was bequeathed to Bryan and his son Harvey, along with his 'second bedsted and bed furnished' and an equal division with elder brother John of 'goods and chattells'. Humfrey, Edward's youngest brother, was left money and furnishings to 'Threescore poundes', and 'one of my spanish bedstedes and my fourth best fetherbed furnished'; legacies also went to his sisters.

Edward's brother Bryan was later to be involved in an infamous and bizarre case involving the pretended demonic possession of his daughter Anne and false accusations of witchcraft in the village of North Moreton. As the recently digitized casebooks of Richard Napier reveal, Anne was taken to the famous astrologer on five separate occasions for consultations (see The casebooks of Simon Forman and Richard Napier, 1596–1634: a digital edition). The full story of the subsequent star chamber case instigated by Richard Bancroft the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1606 is told by James Sharpe in The Bewitching of Anne Gunter: a Horrible and True Story of Deception, Witchcraft, Murder, and the King of England (New York: Routledge, 2000).

Edward Gunter was probably in his early thirties when he became a member of Lincoln's Inn and began to compile his personal miscellany. (We have dates of birth for two of the Gunter boys. John the third son, according to the information given in the Kintbury Church brasses, must have been born in 1536, and Brian, the fourth son, as Sharpe surmises 'on the estimate of his age that he gave during the Star Chamber investigations, was born about 1540'; The Bewitching of Anne Gunter, 33. A date range from ca. 1530-35 is a reasonable estimate for the birth date of Edward the second male Gunter child.) Though Edward was a serious law student he also took part in some of the social activities that gave the Inns of court their reputation as a kind of finishing school for gentlemen. One of the extra-curricular activities encouraged at the Inns was dancing, as puts it, 'dancing, together with fencing and music ... formed part of the educational pattern of the Inns from at least the middle of the fifteenth century until the middle of the seventeenth', (8). Edward’s notes on the sometimes intricate sequence of steps, hops and prances for fifteen different English social dances (almaines, pavans and measures) suggests that this was an activity which he enjoyed. The long verse orations copied into the miscellany accompanied a masque—'a form of courtly dramatic entertainment, often richly symbolic, in which music and dancing played a substantial part' (OED n. 1)—in which the law students would have participated, if not in the dramatic action certainly in the dancing at the end of the show.

As an eligible young bachelor Edward was concerned about his appearance making notes of recipes 'To do away freckels in the face', 'To make heere growe' and 'To make one well colored' (fol. 14r). In the opening folios of the manuscript he collected extracts and sententious verses in Latin, from diverse sources, on the subject of women and marriage. The selection is overwhelmingly of authorities professing a negative and disparaging attitude towards women and shows how the antifeminist tradition was kept current in the Elizabethan period. The selection might also reflect a disinclination to marriage on the part of the compiler and a reassuring self-justification for an heir to an estate for remaining single. Edward copied a Latin satirical verse by Sir Thomas More (fol. 1v) proclaiming: 'A wife is a burden, but she could be useful if she dies in time to leave you all she owns' (translation taken from The Latin epigrams of Thomas More trans. by Leicester Bradner and Charles Arthur Lynch. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953, 163); and another expressing the same idea, copied both in the original Latin (fol. 1r) and translated into English (fol. 17v) entitled 'of ioyfull days with a wyffe' and subscribed with the compiler's EG monogram. A Latin couplet on disharmony in marriage (fol. 1r) is taken from Juvenal's 6th Satire: 'The bed which contains a bride is always the scene of strife and mutual bickering / There's precious little sleep to be had there' (translation taken from The Satires, trans. by Niall Rudd. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, 46); and in the last example, another Latin epigram by Thomas More (fol. 1v), also with an English version subscribed with the EG monogram (fol. 17v), compares a second marriage to a shipwrecked sailor going to sea again to risk life and limb.

Another locus of anxiety for Edward was a sensitivity about social status. Members of the Inns of Court in the sixteenth century, being largely populated by the sons of the landed gentry, had a highly developed sense of social distinction. Being well descended was a particular obsession of the period, and an impressive genealogy and coat of arms became increasingly desirable as external proofs of status. As Laurence Stone suggests 'nothing could be more damaging than to cast aspersions on a man's ancestry' (The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965, 25). Two English verses on fol. 17v signed with Edward Gunter's monogram deal with the subject of malicious talk 'off envious people & backbyters'; and in particular envy of others' pedigrees or loose talk about the legitimacy of claims to gentility. The plosives in 'prattelynge parrette pratte / off pettygrees' almost spits out the speaker's distain for an upstart braggart.

A later owner of the manuscript whose name appears in the lower right-hand corner of the last leaf verso is identified in CELM as the writer and translator William Oldisworth (d. 1734). However, with the new information from Edward Gunter's will, it is more likely that the name refers to an earlier relation and namesake of the writer: Edward Gunter's fellow bencher at Lincoln's Inn William Oldisworth (spelt variously Oldesworth and Oldsworth) of Gloucester (d. 1603). As already mentioned William joined Lincoln's Inn in 1564, the year after Edward's entry and followed a similar career trajectory to his friend being called to the bar some months before Edward in 1573; and like Edward, in gaining bencher status, rising to become one of the senior members of the Inn. Edward's longer living contemporary progressed further with offices held as recorder of Gloucester from November 1587, justice of the peace, member of the council in the marches of Wales and twice elected MP for Gloucester, in 1597 and 1601 (see History of Parliament Online ).

Acquisition

Bequeathed to the University by Richard Rawlinson (1690-1755), antiquary and collector; see Bodleian Archives & Manuscripts: Rawlinson Manuscripts

Additional

Annotated bibliography of scholarship

  1. . Some Account of a Manuscript in Dr. Rawlinson's Collection in the Bodleian Library, in The British Bibliographer [Vol. 2], ed. Sir E. Brydges and J. Haslewood, 609-618. London, 1812. (Provides a farily detailed description of the contents of MS Rawl. poet. 108 including transcriptions of some of the shorter English poems and Latin couplets, titles to longer poems, the names of the dances, an acrostic poem on fol. 11v, medical recipes on fols. 13v-14, whole poems on fols. 16 and 17v; the titles of the marriage orations are also transcribed in full and some more substantial extracts from the second oration with commentary.)
  2. CELM (Catalogue of English Literary Manuscripts 1450-1700) (This much expanded online version of Peter Beal's 1980 publication provides a brief description of MS Rawl. poet. 108. One poem is given an entry in the index, ElQ14: Queen Elizabeth I's 'The doubt of future foes' (fol. 44v))
  3. . The Elizabethan Stage. 4 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923. (Contains detailed information on Thomas Pounde as a playwright and mentions the two masque orations in MS Rawl. poet. 108; see 1:162, 3:468 and 4:83.)
  4. . Dancing in the Inns of Court. London: Jordan & Sons, 1965. (Includes full transcriptions and discussion of the steps for the dances in MS Rawl. poet. 108 on fols. 10r-11r and additional information about dancing and revels at the Inns of Court.)
  5. . The Perils of Firsts: Dating Rawlinson MS Poet. 108 and Tracing the Development of Monolingual English lexicons, in Studies in the History of the English Language II : Unfolding Conversations, edited by Anne Curzan, et al., (2012), 229-272. (Lancashire debunks the idea put forward by Noel Osselton that the fragment of a monolingual English lexicon found in MS Rawl. poet. 108 is the first of its kind (231); dates the lexicon to 1612 at the earliest; provides transcriptions and a useful summary, on page 234, of the sequence of entries on fols. 45r-81v: 'the glossarian, for unknown reasons, abandoned his task not far into the letter B. Afterwards, someone wishing to make an index of the 1655 book, The Queens Closet Opened, re-used the glossary's alphabetical headings, most of which were followed by blank space'.)
  6. . A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library ... Vol. III (Collections received during the 18th Century). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895. (Summary catalogue record no. 14601, p. 304, gives a brief list of the contents of MS Rawl. poet. 108 and records that it was 'owned by "Eliner Gunter" sister of Edw. Gunter of Lincoln's Inn (16th cent.), and "William Oldisworth" (17th cent.)'; Madan also identifies that the 'flyleaves are from a 14th cent. missal'.)
  7. and , eds. Records of Early English Drama: Inns of Court, 3 vols. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2010. (Description of MS Rawl. poet. 108 and full transcriptions, with brief notes, of the two unique marriage orations for weddings held at Lincoln's Inns (see 2:624-50; 2:741).)
  8. . Two Elizabethan Masque-Orations by Thomas Pound. Bodleian Library Record 12 , (1987), 355-65. (Full transcription, including an introduction and notes, of the unique marriage orations associated with weddings held at Lincoln's Inns in MS Rawl. poet. 108, fols. 24r-37r.)
  9. . Apropos "The Olde Measures" REED Newsletter 18.1 (1993), 2-21. (Contains a description of the fifteen dances—almaines, pavans and measures including a tintelore—in MS Rawl. poet. 108; Ward describes the selection as the kind of 'social dances being taught in London in the 1570s', 7.)

About this edition

This is an encoded description and selected transcription of an Elizabethan poetic miscellany held in the Bodleian Library.

Seven pages of the manuscript have been transcribed in full (fols. 6v, 12r-v, 13v, 17v, 44r-v) and a parallel translation into English is provided for the Latin texts. The selection illustrates the eclectic nature of the collection and its value in preserving texts of historical and literary importance. The miscellany is also of interest for what it can tell us about the preoccupations and tastes of the compiler, and I have made some suggestions about how we might read the contents as a quasi-diary in the provenance section of this edition.

I have also provided an annotated bibliography of scholarship on the manuscriptf but much of the detail about its provenance is based on original research.

The transcription was encoded in TEI P5 XML by Jessica Edmondes.

Availability

Publication: Taylor Institution Library, one of the Bodleian Libraries of the University of Oxford, 2020. XML files are available for download under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License . Images are available for download under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License .

Source edition

Selections from an Elizabethan miscellany of verse 1563 to 1573

Editorial principles

This is a diplomatic transcription that retains the original spelling (including u for v, i for j, and ff for F), punctuation, capitalisation, and lineation.

Abbreviations including brevigraphs and contractions (where omissions are indicated by superscript characters) are recorded in both the original and the expanded form encoded with the elements <choice>, <abbr>, <expan> and <ex>.

The element <del> is used for scribal deletions with the attribute "type" used to indicate the nature of the deletion.

The element <note> is used exclusively for editorial notes.